The Practicality of Civil Disobedience in Resolving Uganda’s Governance Challenge

Ashiraf Mugalula, Research Fellow, Makerere University |Al-Mustafa Islamic College.

International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Bulletin | Page 01 to 29

In the afternoon of 30 September 2023, as a youth leader & activist in my district (Mayuge), I received a phone call from Muwanga Mark, Kato Kennedy & Mutesi Joan my village mates and OB and OG respectively complaining about their subjection to beatings and other forms of torture including hurling insults on claims of mismanagement of company property, possessing phones etc by their Indian ‘General Manager’ of Mayuge Sugar Ltd, a company processing sugar and other related products.  Across the company, things had been no less violent against the black workers coupled with dismissal threats.  Using this case as an entry point into the debate on human rights, politics and work violence, I seek to understand the concrete social conditions under which people claim rights in an ethnicized, gendered, classed, racialised political environment. I seek to understand how intersectional categories that determine access to not only rights but broadly resources, claims to power, justice and opportunities become complicated. In other words, how do claims to “rights” [in this case labour rights] create subjectivities when they interact with gender, race, class, and ethnicity among others in workplaces which are not given priority by the modern state yet they act as centres of violence protected in the name of human rights? Does solving the question of race [in this case Indian and Chinese as a different category of identity according to the employees] subjectivation resolve the subjectivities in an already gendered and classed environment like Uganda [a capitalist and neo-liberal]? If not, then how do we think of the subjectivation beyond the canons of race? The basis for this is that we cannot come to grips with the politics and dynamics of rights if we don’t subject such rights to categories that define conditions of work, that shape individuals and societies and that define these very rights. This paper seeks to analyze the context and dynamic under which Ugandan [racialized and ethnicized] workers interact with their employers and how this interaction shapes their subjection to violence. It seeks to show that the subjectification is historical, political and contextual—multifaceted. This violence against the workers goes unrecorded with the aid of the state machinery [mostly police] which is meant to protect and safeguard the so-called rights. It proves that the state is mired with and a perpetrator of violence to people who face multiple subjectivities and multiple identities. The biggest question for me becomes, is the thinking and decision of the police to subject those workers to unfair treatment out of a vacuum or is it structural and systemic? The state considers all workers as workers having similar rights and groups them in one category [workers] but not all workers go through similar situations. I take inspiration, from the theoretical and conceptual frameworks of Lisa, Marie Cacho (2012), Yuval-Davis and Floya (1992), Suárez-Krabbe, Julia (2014), Rancière, Jacques (2009), Costas Douzinas (2007) and Dhawan Nitkita (2014). For instance, Suárez-Krabbe argues colonial subjectivity is directly related to modern subjectivity…as it becomes the modern [yet gendered] form of subjectivity that erases the “Other” through exploitation and violence. For Yuval-Davis and Floya argue that economic processes are very distinct albeit related concepts but understanding the link between the two doesn’t necessarily require the postulation of class. For Cacho race doesn’t work in isolation to create subjectivities and marginalities, human value is understood in ways which are racialized, sexualized, spatialized and state-sanctioned violence.  Costas Douzinas (2007) argues that “the privileged subject of rights are the powerful; those with political and economic muscles, and that rights are racialized, classed and gendered, thus making rights political, contextual and historical.

 

Keywords: Labour Rights, Workplace Violence, Subjectivity, Intersectionality, State Power and Structural Violence.

 

Idi Amin’s conception of the Nationality Question in Uganda (1971-1979)

Ashiraf Mugalula, Research Fellow, Makerere University |Al-Mustafa Islamic College.

International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Bulletin | Page 01 to 27

Thematically, four interrelated issues form the crux of this paper’s object of analysis namely; ethnicity, citizenship, race, and nationalism in postcolonial Uganda. The main question is: what is Idi Amin’s conception of the nation? Such an articulation informed Amin’s understanding of the nationality question. In that regard, the 1972 Asian expulsion is significant because it symbolized Amin’s racialized conception of Uganda as a black African nation. While Obote I articulated the nation as secular through his public rhetoric of zero-tolerance towards ethnic and religious politicization, Amin conceptualized the nation in racial terms. The paper mainly argues that Amin’s intervention on the nationality question can be read as operating within the same conceptual lenses of race and ethnicity to define Ugandan identity or citizenship. Obote’s ethnic departicipation policy which partly influenced Amin’s politics was largely unsuccessful in its depoliticization strides. Given that the nation presupposed internal unity, the latter remained a major political challenge because Obote understood unity to imply uniformity: erasure of socio-cultural difference and embracing sameness (being a Ugandan) as the common unifier. For Amin, difference is not only recognized but also politicized thereby hindering national unity along racial and ethno-regional lines. In the 1971 coup, the triumph of Amin’s Madi/Kakwa/Lugbara faction over Obote’s Langi and Acholi faction in the army implied that ethnicity remained at the epi-center of the Ugandan state structure. Just as Obote, Amin sought to consolidate his political power through ethnically appointed henchmen in strategic military positions. No wonder, Acholi and Langi people who remained in support of Obote after his downfall were clear targets of Amin’s ethnic purge immediately after seizing political power.

 

Keywords: Ethnicity, Citizenship, Nationalism, Idi Amin, 1972 Asian Expulsion.

 

ASSESSING THE EFFICACY OF SELECTED CRUDE PLANT EXTRACTS IN INHIBITING FUNGAL PATHOGENS OF Amaranthus hybridus (L.)

UGWUJA, F, Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike, Abia State, Nigeria.

International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Bulletin | Page 01 to 11

Fungal pathogens pose a significant threat to horticultural crops, including Amaranthus hybridus (L.) a commonly cultivated leafy vegetable. This research was undertaken to assess the effectiveness of unrefined extracts of some plants in inhibiting some fungal pathogen of A. hybridus. Symptomatic leaves were collected from a garden in Okwuta Ibeku and the suspected pathogens were isolated following standard procedures. The pathogens were subcultured to obtain pure cultures and thereafter Pathogenicity test was conducted. Antimicrobial test was done with Tagetes erecta (marigold) and Allium sativum (garlic) at four different concentrations (0% control, 25%, 50% and 50% garlic + 50% marigold) for garlic and marigold respectively. The test was laid out in Completely Random Design (CRD) of 2 x 4 x 3 factorial. Radial growth and percentage inhibition of the extracts against the isolates after 2 days of incubation were determined. Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) on scientifically generated data was obtained using SPSS package. Means were differentiated at 95% confident intervals. Results showed the presence of Rhizoctonia solani, Pythium sp., Rhizopus stolonifer, and Fusarium solani in the diseased vegetable. Pathogenicity test of the isolates showed that only R. solani and Pythium species produced vivid symptoms of damping off on the succulent Amaranthus twig. The antimicrobial test on R. solani and Pythium species revealed that both garlic and marigold crude extracts were highly potent in inhibiting the growth of the test pathogens. Garlic extract fractions produced maximum (100%) inhibition and were consistently more effective of the two extracts. Overall, this experiment offers important awareness into the potential use of the selected crude plant extracts as natural alternatives for controlling fungal pathogens in Amaranthus and other horticultural vegetables. The findings contribute to the development of sustainable and environmentally friendly strategies for crop protection in agriculture.

 

Keywords: Efficacy, Crude, Plant Extracts, Isolates, Pathogens, Inhibition, Control.

 

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